I find Howard’s new plan for indigenous Australia deeply troublesome. I’ve struggled with it for a lot of reasons, not least of which is that it has the endorsement of some indigenous leaders (notably Noel Pearson). I mean, where do I get off knowing more about indigenous issues than Pearson? Quite obviously I don’t.
But this serves to highlight what I find most troublesome. The government has pitched the plan as though it has the support of the entire indigenous community. It doesn’t and we all know Pearson isn’t representative of the entire indigenous population. Once again, the government assumes that one indigenous person can speak for all indigenous Australians (that is not to say that Pearson has ever said that he speaks for all indigenous people.)
I’ve never claimed to have the answers, but taking power away from indigenous people strikes me as pretty regressive. Hardly the “communities in control” that ACDJ advocates.
So I was relieved to see Suki’s comment on the issue (astute as always) and then positively fired up on the issue after reading Guy Rundle’s comment in Crikey:
Last week, the Howard Government, via a sleight of hand connected to the grant of lands in the 1970s, imposed a de facto apartheid system on Australia. You may want to argue that this was necessary, desirable, a last resort, etc etc, but first you have to acknowledge that this is apartheid. A section of the population will be prevented from exercising their legal rights in the places where they live and rarely leave.
This denial will extend to what they can buy, how they raise their children, what they can do with the benefit money to which they, as citizens, are entitled to receive. İn other words, such people have been legally ruled – if the law survives a High Court challenge – to be denied the right to equality under the law. Aborigines in these areas are once again the exceptional case.
How did the editorial writers of The Australian mark this occasion? By arguing that it marks the end to “Aboriginal exceptionalism”. That’s pretty much the screwy non-logic that has dominated this episode, and which will dominate the inevitable failure of what is de facto, the military occupation of Aboriginal Australia.
Forty years ago the Aborigines got full citizenship and the beginnings of land rights. Neither of these were due to white beneficience, but to the pressure put on sluggish governments by political movements – the ‘freedom rides’ in the first place (started by Charles Perkins and black and white members of the Communist Party of Australia) and the Wave Hill strike on the other (sparked at least in part by communists such as Frank Hardy, who would later draw Fred Hollows, another communist, into Aboriginal Australia).
İn the ’70s these grew into full-scale urban and remote political campaigns, which generated medical services, legal services, campaigns on land control and ultimately the successful Mabo et al lawsuit establishing native title.
To understand this is to understand why Howard’s initiative, should it be implemented, will inevitably fail. Nothing that Aborigines have won or achieved has come from outside. İt has come, as it can only come, from movements built from within that force white Australia to cede power, not to re-extend it.
(Read on …)